Newly Industrialized Countries Essay

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The term newly industrialized countries (NICs) refers to a group of once-developing economies that industrialized—or are still industrializing—with an emphasis on  the  production and  export  of manufactured goods; newly industrializing economies is often taken as a synonym. The term  generally applies to  those countries that industrialized after World War II. Comparability between different studies of these countries is not always straightforward,  not least because there is no precise  definition  of an NIC. Moreover,  each study regards a different range of countries  as NICs depending  on their  level of industrialization at the moment  of analysis. Through  the 1980s and 1990s, the NIC category gained prominence in economic and policy analysis, especially in regard to the economies of east Asia, but popular use of the term has waned since then in favor of the broader concept of “emerging economies.” As a unique  category, however, the term NIC retains some distinction in classifying some of the economies  achieving industrialization during the latter part of the 20th century.

In 1979 the Organisation  for Economic Co-operation  and  Development  (OECD) published  a report called The Impact of the Newly-Industrialising Countries, which along with a conference on NICs hosted by the OECD, brought the term to prominence.  This initial usage was quickly reinforced by the adoption of the term by researchers at the World Bank, the Royal Institute  of International Affairs, and  by academia in general. Yet from the start, there was no common definition of an NIC or a universal method of quantifying NIC status.

For  the  OECD, an  NIC  exhibited  the  following characteristics: (1) fast growth  in both  the absolute level of industrial  employment  and its share of total employment; (2) a rising share of the world exports of manufactured products; (3) fast growth in real per capita  gross national  product  (GNP) such  that  the country  was successful  in  narrowing  the  gap with the advanced industrial  countries.  Using these criteria, 10 countries were generally considered to exhibit NIC characteristics from the early 1960s: Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, Brazil, Mexico, and from Europe, Spain, Greece, Portugal, and Yugoslavia.

With a slightly wider interpretation, a range of other countries  were also mooted  as NICs, which would have doubled the original list.

While the  OECD criteria  were somewhat  vague, other  definitions  were  more  specific. Working  for the World Bank, Bela Balassa thought  that to qualify for NIC status  countries  needed  per capita income greater than $1,100 and for manufacturing to account for  at  least  20 percent  of gross  domestic  product (GDP). Inevitably, this resulted in a variation on the OECD  listing,  indicating   the  somewhat   arbitrary nature  of specifying a quantitative  economic threshold in determining  what constitutes  an NIC.

A further limitation of this economic approach was identified  by Anis Chowdhury  and  Iyanatul  Islam. They argued that identifying NICs purely in terms of manufacturing and trade was too limiting because it failed to consider the sustainability of the industrialization or the improvement in the standard  of living or quality of life. Hence, in reaching  a definition  of an NIC, they broadly accepted the OECD/Balassa approach  and added  that  a savings ratio  of 15 percent was required, along with a Human Development Index  of 0.75 (above average  performance  in  purchasing power, life expectancy, and literacy). In their analysis, 22 countries  could be classified as NICs in 1988, with a further  10 on the cusp of reaching the thresholds, including India and China.

The underlying  problems  of definition  and  measurement  serve to underline  the dynamic nature  of the  NIC concept,  and  that  one  needs  to recognize that by any quantitative  measures the set of NICs is going to  change  over time.  Equally, the  underlying concept  of an NIC is very much  focused on industrialization through manufacturing and especially the export of manufactured products, and hence may be regarded  as fixed to a period  of economic  development  witnessed  in a number  of countries  from the 1960s through  to the 1990s. Since then, much attention in studies of economic, and specifically business, development  has shifted to focus on rapid economic growth coupled with the opening  of domestic  markets, financial transfers,  and  reform  of governance and market mechanisms, all embodied in the concept of the “emerging market.” Hence, the age of the NIC may have passed, or it may yet endure both as a contemporary economic reality and as a historical lens of analysis for economic development.

Irrespective  of  the  precise  definition  employed, the four east Asian NICs of Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan have undoubtedly achieved remarkable economic gains since the 1960s, their performance earning them the name of Asian Tigers. By the mid-1990s, their GDP per capita was approaching that of developed economies, and they were all considered by the World  Bank to be comfortably  high-income countries. But it is in trade that the success of the four, along with later NICs Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, and Thailand, has been most stark. Absolute levels of manufacturing and especially their share of world exports of manufactured goods have soared. Taken together, these eight Asian NICs accounted for just over 1.5 percent of manufactured goods exported worldwide in 1963, and reached 14.6 percent in 2000, although their share dipped to 12.1 percent  in 2006. The inclusion of China in this group would elevate the 2006 figure to 22.8 percent.

The success of the first and second waves of NICs from east Asia tends  to eclipse the performance  of some of the other originally identified NICs. The experience of Brazil and Mexico has been mixed, with economic  growth  hit  by financial crises and  policy turmoil. In 2006 they remained  in the World Bank’s estimation to be upper-middle-income countries, but their growth rates do not appear to indicate an imminent change in this position. As trading nations, Brazil and Mexico have made significant progress since the 1960s. In the case of Mexico, its share of manufactured goods exported has changed from 0.4 percent in 1980 to 2.3 percent  in 2006, making it one of the world’s major exporting nations, with much of its now £189 billion trade stemming from export processing zones. Of the European NICs identified, the industrialization of Greece, Portugal,  and Spain is often  overlooked. Today, they are all high-income countries, albeit with Spain’s income per capita noticeably higher than that of the others.

The  goods  most  commonly  associated  with  the early phase of NIC trading expansion were low-cost manufactures  produced  by unskilled  or  low-skilled labor. NIC exports to developed economies  became particularly   significant   in  textiles   and   garments, leather and footwear, children’s toys, and in a range of other  smaller sectors. Some of the NICs, such as South Korea, did become noted for the production of more intermediate technology goods that were often considered an essential element of earlier industrialization, such as iron and steel production and shipbuilding. Overall, through  the 1960s and 1970s, the exports of the first NICs moved steadily away from the lower technology levels, and the makeup of exported goods further  shifted  as they sought  and  attracted investments  from  multinational firms seeking lowcost manufacturing sites from which to export.

For some  of the  initial  NICs, higher  technology goods eventually became a mainstay of their manufactured  exports.  According  to the  World  Bank, in 2005 approximately  34 percent  of Hong Kong’s and 32 percent  of South Korea’s exports of manufactures were categorized as high technology, this being where there is a high research and development intensity in the product,  such as in computers,  pharmaceuticals, or electrical machinery. Further  generations  of NICs have grown their exports on the basis of a comparative advantage  in low-cost  labor,  although  there  is nothing to suggest that their exported goods will also move away from low-technology  products; in 2005, the share of high-technology  goods in the manufactures exports of Greece reached  only 10 percent,  in Portugal 9 percent, and in Spain 7 percent.

Explanations of the rise of many NICs often revolve around industrialization strategies. The popular approach  until the 1950s was of import-substituting industrialization (ISI) in which industrialization was promoted  using tariff barriers and other protectionist measures to enable domestic enterprise to prosper. By the  1960s, this  method  was increasingly  recognized as too limiting, and there was a move by some developing countries  to adopt a more outward-looking  industrialization policy in  which  exports  were encouraged. In parallel to this move, a set of external changes  made  export-based   industrialization more viable: the liberalization of the world trading regime, new transport and communication technologies, and the increasing presence  of multinational enterprises establishing  low-cost  manufacturing bases through foreign direct investment.

The experiences of the individual NICs indicate that there  is no single pathway of later industrialization, but rather  each country  has applied different policy mixes that have involved ISI and export-led  aspects. Ultimately, for many of the first wave of NICs, the gap between them and the advanced industrial economies has been reduced, and they are clearly now industrialized economies themselves, although there remains a gap in terms of per capita income between these and the advanced industrial economies such as the United States, Japan, Germany, and the United Kingdom.

Bibliography:  

  1. Oleg Badunenko, Daniel J. Henderson, and Valentin Zelenyuk, “Technological Change and Transition: Relative Contributions to Worldwide Growth  During the 1990s,” Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics (v.70/4, 2008);
  2. Bela Balassa, The Newly-Industrializing Developing Countries After the Oil Crisis, World Bank Staff Working Papers, No. 437 (World Bank, 1980);
  3. Anis Chowdhury and Iyanatul Islam, The Newly Industrialising Economies of East Asia (Routledge, 1993);
  4. M. M. Husseini and C. O’Brien, “Strategic Implications of Manufacturing Performance Comparisons for Newly Industrialising Countries,” International Journal of Operations and Production Management (v.24/11–12, 2004);
  5. Subhash C. Jain, Emerging Economies and the Transformation of International  Business: Brazil, Russia, India  and  China  (BRICs) (Edward  Elgar, 2006);
  6. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, The  Newly-Industrialising  Countries:  Challenges and Opportunity  for OECD Countries (OECD, 1988);
  7. Ravi Ramamurti and Jitendra V. Singh, Emerging Multinationals in Emerging Markets (Cambridge University Press, 2009);
  8. Anjum Siddiqui, India and  South Asia:  Economic Developments in the Age of Globalization (M. E. Sharpe, 2007);
  9. Louis Turner and Neil McMullen,  The Newly Industrializing  Countries:  Trade  and  Adjustment (Allen & Unwin, 1982);
  10. World   Bank,  World   Development   Report  2008 (World  Bank, 2007);
  11. World Trade  Organization,  International Trade Statistics 2007 (WTO, 2007).

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