Conspicuous Consumption Essay

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The term conspicuous consumption was coined by Norwegian American sociologist and economist Thorstein Veblen (1857-1929) in his 1899 book titled The Theory of the Leisure Class: An Economic Study of Institutions. Conspicuous consumption refers to an individual’s public or ostentatious use of costly goods or services to indicate his or her wealth and high social status. In capitalist societies, this practice includes purchasing and publicly displaying expensive goods (commodities or status symbols) that are luxuries rather than necessities. Conspicuous consumption goes beyond simply fulfilling an individual’s survival needs (food, shelter, clothing) and is characterized by what Veblen described critically as wastefulness. Veblen conceived of conspicuous consumption as a practice in which men engaged to demonstrate their wealth. However, he also described women as conspicuous consumers whose actions indexed the wealth of their husbands or fathers (in Veblen’s time, women did not have a recognized separate social status).

Conspicuous consumption can be a social problem because it has the effect of reaffirming social status boundaries and distinctions based on access to wealth. In some cases, such as the conspicuous consumption of elites in developing countries, this practice can lead to social unrest and even political violence.

Conspicuous consumption is a peculiar feature of industrial and postindustrial capitalism that reflects social inequalities within societies characterized by this system of production. In precapitalist societies, an individual’s status within his or her social group could be indexed in a variety of ways: for example, through the exertion of physical force or the size and quality of landholdings. According to economists and sociologists, feudal societies had clear distinctions and direct relations of domination between high-status and low-status individuals, precluding the need for elaborate or symbolic demonstrations of wealth, status, and power on the part of the elite. With the advent of industrial capitalism, however, traditional bases of social power and authority (such as land ownership and titles of nobility) became unstable, and status within a society or social group became increasingly tied to the accumulation of money.

The urbanization that accompanied industrialization in Europe and elsewhere increased population density, placing in close contact individuals and families who were previously unknown to each other and who did not have a basis for judging the social status of their new neighbors. Conspicuous consumption allowed people in urban areas to project a certain degree of wealth or status to those around them. Veblen identified this practice with the nouveau riche (newly rich), a class of capitalists who tended to lack traditional status markers, such as noble bloodlines, and who compensated for this fact by buying and ostentatiously displaying consumer goods, such as clothing. In the context of the sudden instability of social status and the crumbling of traditional social distinctions (such as those in the feudal system), conspicuous consumption also became a way for the upper-class elites to reaffirm their place at the top of the social hierarchy.

In the 20th and 21st centuries, conspicuous consumption has become identified not only with the wealthiest members of society but with the middle class as well. In the United States, where no feudal system, nobility, or aristocracy has existed, consumption is the primary manner in which to indicate social status to others. The expansion in consumer purchasing power and the increased availability of a wide range of goods in the United States in the past century enables more individuals to practice conspicuous consumption.

Popular culture encourages conspicuous consumption through magazines, television programs, and films that glorify the lifestyle of the wealthy and celebrities, a lifestyle often emulated by the masses. Scholars have examined critically the increasing links between consumption and identity, stating that in capitalist societies, what one has is often seen as what one is. Some intellectuals view this link between consumption of commodities and identity negatively, lamenting the “commodification” of social relationships and the seemingly never-ending pursuit of the biggest, newest, most expensive goods. This common view sees as futile the attempt to achieve personal happiness or satisfaction or to obtain social mobility by purchasing high-status products. Other scholars do not object to people expressing their sense of self through consumption, seeing instead an element of creativity and fulfillment in the practice of buying and using products. In the current period, with identity and consumption linked, conspicuous consumption not only serves to signal social status but also indicates an affinity with a social group or subculture (a specialized culture within a larger society). For example, consumers may see their driving a Harley-Davidson motorcycle or using a Macintosh computer as situating them within a social group of like-minded people who consume the same goods.

A related concept introduced in Veblen’s work is that of conspicuous leisure. Individuals engaging in conspicuous leisure demonstrate to those around them that they are privileged or wealthy enough to avoid working for extended periods of time. A good contemporary example of this practice is tourism, in which people show that they can afford to travel and to be away from work (or that they are wealthy enough to not have to work). When a newly married couple is asked where they will spend their honeymoon or an individual brings in vacation photos to share with his or her coworkers, the logic of conspicuous leisure may be in play.

Bibliography:

  1. Bourdieu, Pierre. [1984] 2002. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
  2. Clarke, David, ed. 2003. The Consumption Reader. New York: Routledge.
  3. Veblen, Thorstein. [1899] 1934. The Theory of the Leisure Class: An Economic Study of Institutions. New York: Random House.

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