Etymologically, the term democracy stems from demos, “the people” and kratos “rule.” In the long history of democracy, ancient Greek forms were distinctive in providing their member s with direct rule, unconstrained by representatives. There were many Greek democracies, and there were significant differences between them. But in most if not all instances, rule of the people was effected through large political institutions open to male citizens, generally a public assembly and public courts. Democratic cities also had magistrates and other officials, but these generally served short terms and, at the end of their terms, were subjected to public examination. At these sessions, any citizen could lodge a complaint. In addition, magistrates were generally chosen by lot, as the Greeks viewed election as an oligarchic practice, since it favored candidates from well-known or wealthy families.
Democracy And Demagogues In Athens
The largest and most important democracy was Athens, about which we also have the fullest information. In Athens, democratic reforms were initiated in the sixth century BCE by Solon and Cleisthenes. All adult male citizens were eligible to attend the assembly and to speak and vote on the fundamental matters of state that were decided upon after a few hours of open debate. The assembly’s agenda was overseen by a Council of 500, members of which were chosen by lot from Athens’ ten tribes. This body was divided into ten parts or committees (prutaneis). Each committee sat for one-tenth of the year, with one member chosen by lot to be in charge and to be, formally, head of state for a single day.
Service on juries was open to all male citizens, with service on these large bodies—up to 2,000 members—also determined by lot. In the absence of an appeals process, decisions by juries were final. Magistrates were generally chosen by lot, but on the whole exercised little power. The main exceptions were ten generals, who were elected annually and combined important military and political functions. All magistrates were under additional popular control, through scrutiny before selection and through examination at the end of their terms. Over the course of its history, the Athenian democracy became increasingly democratic. Additional functions were turned over to popular institutions, while political participation increasingly came to be paid. Pay for jury service was initiated by Pericles (ca. 462 BCE) and payment was later extended to participation in the assembly and eventually for attending the theatre.
Given the large size of major political institutions, decisions in democracies were decisively influenced by the ability to make speeches and so to sway these bodies. One term used to refer to politicians was rhetors. Demagogues—literally “leaders of the people”—were able to influence policies, mainly through their ability to sway the assembly, which in turn depended heavily on the demagogues’ prestige and reputations for providing sound advice. In Athens, it was through these factors rather than the offices he held that Pericles dominated politics for some thirty years in the mid-fifth century (ca. 461–429 BCE).
Antidemocratic Philosophers
Because the major Greek political philosophers—Thucydides, Plato, and Aristotle—were from elite backgrounds and held generally antidemocratic sentiments, the tradition of ancient political philosophy is highly critical of democracy. These figures generally viewed democracy as rule by the poor and uneducated, which was not only inherently unjust to their betters but also led to unsound political decisions. Especially bitter criticism is presented in Plato’s Gorgias. Plato criticizes the politics of oratory. Political success is based on catering to people’s appetites, telling them what they want to hear, rather than offering sound advice. In Athens, this generally meant favoring imperial expansion and increased public employment, contributing to a bloated, festering city.
Along similar lines, a major theme of Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War is the irrationality of the demos, which led to disastrous policies and contributed heavily to Athens’ eventual defeat. In Thucydides’ eyes, Athens’ power and greatness resulted from the restraining hand of Pericles. Though Athens was officially a democracy, during this period, it was actually ruled by its first citizen. Thus Pericles’ death—in the beginning years of the war—ushered in a period of decline along with infighting among his would-be successors.
Aristotle too is critical of extreme democracies. In the course of analyzing myriad Greek democracies, he distinguishes different kinds based on how inhabitants live. His preference is for cities that are heavily pastoral or agricultural, because citizens’ work draws many of them away from the city center and prevents them from attending the assembly. The worst form is encountered in large commercial cities, which effectively turn over political power to the mob. According to both Aristotle and Thucydides, the best constitution Athens enjoyed is the moderate oligarchy that was instituted for a time in the closing years of the Peloponnesian War (431–404 BCE), in which the franchise was restricted to the 5,000 wealthiest citizens.
Conclusion
This barrage of criticism, at least in regard to Athens, must be recognized as unfair—although the extent to which similar factors held in other cities is subject to debate. Like other democracies, the Athenian system gave the average citizen unparalleled rights of political participation. A large percentage of the citizens were active in political affairs, in accordance with the Greek ideal that ruling and being ruled in turn is one of the highest forms of life. On the whole, the Athenians exercised their power well. In spite of the overall turmoil of the Greek political world, Athenian democracy was generally stable for some two centuries. The main outbreaks of instability were oligarchic seizures of power in the closing years of the Peloponnesian War, in 411 and 404 BCE. When the oligarchs had been defeated, in 403 BCE, the Athenians enacted a generous amnesty, which quickly restored a measure of social harmony.
Direct participatory democracy in Athens and other cities was made possible by their small size. Population estimates are necessarily rough. A reasonable estimate for Athens at its peak would be 30,000 to 40,000 male citizens. Including women and children, this figure would be 110,000 to 150,000. The entire population, including metics (foreign residents) and slaves was perhaps 300,000, while the populations of other cities were much smaller. In Athens, as in other Greek cities, citizenship depended on birth. Athenian citizenship required that both parents be Athenians and was virtually impossible otherwise to attain. Accordingly, although democracy provided enormous advantages to male citizens, they were a relatively small percentage of the overall population. In spite of its inclusiveness, Greek democracy excluded most inhabitants.
Bibliography:
- The Athenian Constitution. Edited and translated by P. J. Rhodes. London: Penguin Classics, 1984.
- The Politics. Rev. ed. Edited by T. Saunders.Translated by T. A. Sinclair. Harmondsworth, U.K.: Penguin Classics, 1981.
- Hansen, Mogens Herman. Athenian Democracy in the Age of Demosthenes. Reprint.Translated by J. A. Crook, 1991. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999.
- Jones, A. H. M. Athenian Democracy. Baltimore:The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1957.
- Ober, Josiah. Mass and Elite in Democratic Athens. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989.
- Gorgias. Edited and translated by R.Waterfield. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994.
- History of the Peloponnesian War. Rev. ed. Edited by M. I. Finley. Translated by R.Warner. Harmondsworth, U.K.: Penguin Classics, 1972.
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