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Popularized in the 1960s and 1970s, critical realignment theory gained credibility through the efforts of such notable scholars as V. O. Key Jr., E. E. Schattschneider, James L. Sundquist, and Walter Dean Burnham. For years, critical realignment theory was considered conventional wisdom, and political scientists pondered over when the next critical realignment would occur. Not without its critics, critical realignment theory garners an important place in political science with its definition of eras and electoral politics.
Shortly before the end of World War II (1939–1945), the field of political science began toying with the idea of realigning elections. In A Theory of Critical Elections, Key provided the first conceptualization of a critical election. Having studied American presidential elections, Key suggested that two types of elections occur—a few defining critical elections and a larger number of quite ordinary and undistinguished elections. Key argued that the defining features of critical elections are (1) voters’ involvement is more intense, (2) voters are concerned with the result of the election, (3) the results of the election produce a transformation in the electorate, and (4) the results of the transformation endure for several election cycles. These critical elections usher in a new era in which the electorate shifts as a whole and the dynamics of the electorate are redefined. Although Key identifies two elections that meet the criteria of critical elections, the U.S. presidential elections of 1896 and 1928, he fails to discuss periodicity or the affects these elections have on government processes or policies.
Sundquist builds on the work of Key and Schattschneider and illustrates the significance of the eras that mark the time in between critical elections. Sundquist finds that not all realignments occur in one election, but may be the result of several critical elections. Several features are characteristic of critical realignment theory. Again, in examining voter support of political parties over time, two types of elections are prevalent, realigning and nonrealigning. The existence of critical elections that foster a realignment in the electorate occur in regular intervals. The cycle between critical elections culminates with a transformation in the electorate approximately every thirty years. Many of the transformative effects are the result of oscillation between a weakening and strengthening party identification. As party identification strengthens so too does voters’ concern with the election, and high turnout results. There is also evidence suggesting that third parties usually perform well right before a critical election and this may factor into the realignment. Furthermore, realigning elections or critical elections usually focus almost predominately on national issues. Those elections that are characterized as critical elections produce notable changes in the political order. Different interests are recognized as salient to the voters, new ideological issues act as cleavages between the parties, and a long span of unified government emerges. As a result, new government policies emerge that seek to address these new differences or salient issues.
Building on the work of Key and others, Burnham was the first to articulate a specific time period to identify the time span between elections that can best be categorized as a critical election. These critical elections serve to disrupt the current party system at the time and thereby usher in an era that identifies with different policies, ideologies, theories, and presuppositions. Burnham specifies that these critical elections occur every thirty to thirty-six years and, as a result, exhibit a cyclical quality.
Although critical realignment theory is customarily considered an influential theory of elections in political science, it does have its share of critics. Perhaps the greatest critique leveled at critical realignment theory is the failure of a critical election to occur in more than seventy years. The last election that scholars support and recognize as a critical election is the presidential election of 1932. A few scholars have posited the occurrence of a critical election in the 1970s, and perhaps the 1990s, but these elections fail to meet the criteria of a realigning election as established by the theory in the 1960s and 1970s. As David Mayhew states, “ . . . the chief contemporary charge against the realignments genre is that it has ceased to be relevant: No certifiable electoral realignment has occurred since 1932.” Several explanations exist. First, more than seventy years since a critical election results from the decay of the American parties in the 1960s and 1970s as a result of ticket splitting and increasing numbers of independents. Second, parties seek out the median voters in elections and actively attempt to be less polarizing in order to garner their support. Last, a critical election did not occur as per the schedule of every thirty years because there was not a strong enough event to cause realignment.
Bibliography:
- Burnham,Walter Dean. Critical Elections and the Mainsprings of American Politics. New York: W.W. Norton. Campbell, Bruce A., and Richard J.Trilling. Realignment in American Politics: Toward a Theory. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980.
- Key,V. O., Jr. A Theory of Critical Elections. New York: Irvington, 1993.
- Mayhew, David. Electoral Realignments. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002.
- Schattschneider, E. E. Party Government. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1967.
See also:
- How to Write a Political Science Essay
- Political Science Essay Topics
- Political Science Essay Examples