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Political debates allow candidates for a particular office to directly exchange and discuss ideas in a formalized and structured environment. Voters seem to find political debates particularly compelling because of the possibility for spontaneous occurrences that could give them a greater sense of the candidate’s true character and abilities. Indeed, the history of political debates in the United States is full of memorable and defining moments that help to explain why candidates seem so eager to control the exact number, format, and timing of these exchanges. Research has shown that political debates can have important effects on the opinions of those who watch them and thus on eventual election outcomes.

The Development Of Debates

The history of political debates in the United States dates back many years. The 1858 Lincoln–Douglas Senate debates in Illinois are often noted for their large crowds and sense of spectacle, despite their highly formalized structure in which the candidates exchanged lengthy addresses over many hours. While it was common in early campaigns for congressional candidates to confront each other in formal exchanges, presidential candidates used surrogates to debate on their behalf. This allowed them to stay above the fray while providing party politicians with an opportunity to increase their stature.

Political debates entered a new era with the growth of broadcast media. In 1948, Republican primary candidates Harold Stassen and Thomas Dewey held a formal debate broadcast over the radio, and in 1956 the first televised debate occurred between Democratic primary candidates Adlai Stevenson and Estes Kefauver. The first Kennedy–Nixon debate in 1960 is often remembered for the fact that television viewers thought Kennedy had beaten the haggard-looking Nixon, while radio listeners gave the edge to the Republican vice president. There were no presidential debates in 1964, 1968, or 1972 due to Congress’s unwillingness to suspend the “equal time” provision (allowing minority candidates into the debate) and a reluctance on the part of the incumbent presidents (Johnson and Nixon) to share the debate stage with their challengers.

Presidential debates returned in 1976 and have since provided many memorable moments, affecting voters and thus candidates’ fortunes. For example, although Gerald Ford performed quite well in his 1976 debates with Jimmy Carter, most memories are limited to his clumsy assertion that there was “no Soviet domination of eastern Europe.” In 1984, Ronald Reagan deftly addressed concerns about his age with a humorous quip about how he was not going to “make age an issue in this campaign” because he did not want to “exploit for political purposes (his) opponent’s youth and inexperience.” Insight from a spontaneous moment was also provided in 1988 when Michael Dukakis remained unmoved and policy oriented in his response to a moderator’s question about the hypothetical rape of his wife. In addition, 1988 Democratic vice presidential nominee Lloyd Bentsen uttered one of the most striking debate lines when he told Dan Quayle that he was “no Jack Kennedy.” The debates in 1992 and 1996 are often remembered for Bill Clinton’s ability to connect with people through the town hall format, while the 2000 debates gave viewers a revealing sense of Al Gore’s personality when his frustration with George W. Bush became audible to viewers.

Establishing Debate Formats

Before debates occur, there is often a “debate about the debates” in which candidates wrangle over details such as the number of debates, their format, location, and timing—candidates try to gain advantage even before the debate occurs. It is common for incumbent candidates to request fewer debates, while challengers often look for more opportunities to confront their opponents, because it increases their profiles and can help establish their worthiness for office. Candidates may also tussle over the format of the debate given that some feel more comfortable behind a podium, while others excel in a more casual format. Finally, candidates may insist that debates occur in favorable locations and at times that fit with their strategic plans.

It was this type of constant haggling that eventually led the League of Women Voters to pull their sponsorship of presidential debates, opening the way for the Republican and Democratic parties to create the Commission on Presidential Debates in 1987. (This put third–party candidates at the mercy of the major parties in terms of getting into a debate.) Rather than reducing conflicts, the commission has actually institutionalized the back-and-forth between candidates. In fact, the Bush and Kerry campaigns used this arrangement to broker a deal that covered nearly every minute detail of the 2004 debates.

Once there is agreement on the debates, candidates spend considerable time preparing so that they can think quickly and effectively “on their feet” in this somewhat spontaneous environment. Candidates also want to ensure a strong performance given that debate audiences are typically quite large, and media attention is intense. The 1976 debates, for example, are estimated to have drawn between seventy-five and ninety-five million viewers, while the second presidential debate in 2000 garnered fifty-one million viewers despite competition from two baseball playoff games.

Debates do not really end, however, with the last closing statement. The media is quick to analyze the debate, providing immediate discussion of the issues and interpretation of who won and who lost. This interpretation is so critical that campaigns have developed elaborate “spin” strategies in which campaign staff work through the media to frame their candidate’s performance in the best possible light. What happens after a debate can ultimately be as important as what happened during the debate.

The Impact Of Debates On Voters

Research confirms that political debates can have important effects on voters. Political scientists have shown that viewers routinely claim to learn a great deal from debates, and there is evidence showing that they do, indeed, gain valuable information about the candidates and their positions. Debates can be particularly informative for those who may otherwise have limited interest in the campaign and/or limited knowledge of the candidates beforehand. Moreover, early debates (e.g., during the primaries) help establish perceptions of viability and electability, which can shape a candidate’s eventual success or failure. A good debate performance can produce a bounce in public support as the candidate gains more favorable media attention, and previously undecided voters start to express clearer preferences. History has shown that some of these bounces have given candidates critical momentum while others have quickly faded with the next political event.

While most studies suggest that strict partisans are resistant to persuasion effects and typically have their opinion reinforced by debates, there is reason to believe that debates could still affect them by priming certain considerations that are then given increased weight in subsequent evaluations. Of course, for those who are less devoted to a party, debates can be an important determinant of vote choice, especially if little attention is paid to other campaign events. Finally, an intriguing line of research shows that viewers often react as much to postdebate commentary as they do to the actual debate performance. For many who watched a particular debate, they may rely on the media to interpret the performance or at least confirm their impression. Postdebate commentary and coverage can even influence those who watched little or none of the exchange by providing a summary judgment.

Political debates give candidates an opportunity to directly engage each other on important issues. While debates are often seen as spectacles with memorable moments, research confirms that they can play an important role in helping inform voters and enabling them to make important political decisions.

Bibliography:

Druckman, James N. “The Power of Television Images:The First KennedyNixon Debate Revisited.” Journal of Politics 65, no. 2 (2003): 559–571.
Holbrook,Thomas. “Political Learning from Presidential Debates.” Political Behavior 21, no. 1 (1999): 67–89.
Hollihan,Thomas A. Uncivil Wars: Political Campaigns in a Media Age. Boston: St. Martin’s Press, 2009.
Schroeder, Alan. Presidential Debates: Forty Years of High-Risk TV. New York: Columbia University Press, 2000.