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Digital democracy is one of many terms used to describe the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) to facilitate and enhance engagement between citizens and government. E-democracy and cyber-democracy are also commonly used to refer to the same phenomenon. Much of the literature stems from concern over declining levels of voter turnout in many democratic countries. ICTs are seen as a means of reconnecting citizens with their representatives by making government more transparent and accountable and thus inspiring participation.
The link between technology and democracy is not new. In the 1940s, futurist Buckminster Fuller discussed the potential of the telephone as way for people to participate in referendums. Later, in his 1992 bid for the American presidency, Ross Perot advocated the combined use of telephones and television to conduct “electronic town halls” to give people a direct voice in policy development.
Two Views: The Techo-Optimists And Skeptics
Today, the literature on digital democracy emphasizes Internet technologies. Much of the work, particularly the early literature, is somewhat dichotomous, reflecting utopian and dystopian views. The utopian or optimistic view sees ICTs as the solution to the problems facing modern democracies. Some go so far as to suggest that the technology has the potential to revive Athenian-style direct democracy, questioning the relevance of elected representatives at a time where decisions can be registered easily and quickly from a distance. Other optimists see advantages and improvements to be made to existing structures of representative government where technologies such as email, direct chat, and social networking sites such as Facebook and MySpace provide for an easy direct connection between representatives and the represented.
The dystopian or skeptical view on the other hand does not believe the technology will have a positive impact. Some worry that it might have the opposite effect, harming democracy. Political theorist Benjamin Barber, for example, questions whether the speed associated with ICTs is conducive to democracy, which requires careful deliberation and negotiation. The speed of technology is thought to prompt reaction over thoughtful dialogue. The anonymous nature of many ICTs may make some more comfortable to become engaged but also may encourage some to drop the civility and accountability associated with face-to-face debate. Some skeptics also point to the digital divide, or inequalities in access and ability to use ICTs, as a fundamental problem for digital democracy. However, there have been a number of efforts to bridge the digital divide and to ensure that all citizens have some sort of access to ICTs and the ability to use them.
Contemporary Studies: Questioning The Significance Of ICTs
Much of the current work however, has moved beyond this divide and has become increasingly involved in identifying the democratic potential of ICTs, while at the same time questioning their significance and their potential for harm within the confines of existing structures of representative government. Some of the literature examines the ways that legislatures are using technology to engage with citizens, whereas some focuses specifically on the efforts of individual members of parliament and political parties.
Electronic consultations are one of the means used to try to draw people into the policy process that have received attention. The consultations on the U.K. Draft Communications Bill in 2002 are a relatively early and good example. The consultations received a lot of attention and commentary, and policy makers were briefed about the issues being raised online. However, some studies have shown that policy makers are unsure of how to incorporate and make use of the feedback that is received electronically. This can be problematic, as Stephen Coleman and John Gøtze caution in their 2001 book Bowling Together: Online Engagement in Policy Deliberation: “Governments should not offer online consultation as a gimmick: They must be committed to integrating evidence gathered into the policy process and being responsive.” This warning can be applied to other online efforts to engage citizens as well as people who may be reluctant to engage in future digital democracy initiatives if they do not feel they are being heard.
E-consultations are not yet commonplace, and the wider literature on the use of ICTs for citizen engagement indicates that we are just starting to see the incorporation of such interactive features. Most individual representatives and legislatures, for example, have a basic online presence in the form of a Web site, but relatively few include interactive technologies such as polls, surveys, or blogs.
Citizen Action
It should be noted that digital democracy does not refer just to the attempts by government to connect with citizenry. It also includes citizens’ use of technology to become further engaged. A growing body of literature on cyberactivism discusses such use. (An example is Martha McCaughey and Michael Ayers’ 2003 book, Cyberactivism: Online Activism in Theory and Practice.) Interest groups are increasingly using ICTs to raise awareness and to attract members. Letter-writing campaigns have been made quicker and easier with prewritten text and the addresses of public officials more readily available. Coordinating group action is simplified, as studies regarding the “battle in Seattle” (the 1999 gathering to protest at a meeting of the World Trade Organization) and other events have shown.
“Digital” Democracy?
Some argue that while the Internet does have the potential to facilitate the type of citizen engagement discussed above, the persons keen to make use of such new means of participation are those who would be politically active in the offline environment. In this sense, it is argued, little has changed, and techno-optimists are in effect preaching to the converted. There is still considerable debate over the significance and utility of various ICTs when it comes to the improvement of democracy. However, it is clear that cyberactivism is becoming increasingly common. Legislatures, political parties, and individual representatives are moving toward the adoption of ICTs, and most now have some sort of a basic online presence. Being “digital” is becoming the norm, so much so that some question the relevance of differentiating “digital democracy” from simply “democracy.” However, the Internet does pose some unique challenges. Removing geographic barriers for example, does facilitate activism, but representative politics is still very much geographically based, and many representatives find it a challenge to keep up with the growing correspondence being received from both within and outside of their constituencies. Learning how to best incorporate feedback received from citizens electronically also makes digital democracy somewhat unique, and it will continue to be a topic of interest for those interested in the state of representative democracy.
Bibliography:
- Barber, Benjamin. “The Uncertainty of Digital Politics: Democracy’s Uneasy Relationship with Information Technology.” Harvard International Review 23, no. 1 (Spring 2001): 42–47.
- Coleman, Stephen, and John Gøtze. Bowling Together: Online Engagement in Policy Deliberation. London: Hansard Society, 2001.
- Francoli, Mary. “E-Participation and Canadian Parliamentarians.” Encyclopedia of Digital Government, edited by Ari-Veikko Anttiroiko and Matti Malkia. Hershey, Pa.: IGI, 2007.
- Margolis, Michael, and David Resnick. Politics as Usual:The Cyberspace “Revolution.” London: Sage, 2000.
- McCaughey, Martha, and Michael Ayers, eds. Cyberactivism: Online Activism in Theory and Practice. London: Routledge, 2003.
- Ward, Stephen, and Wainer Lusoli. “From Weird to Wired? MPs, the Internet, and Representative Politics in the UK.” Journal of Legislative Studies 11, no. 1 (2005): 57–81.
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