Federalism And Foreign Relations Essay ⋆ Political Science Essay Examples ⋆ EssayEmpire

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Among the roughly 195 nation-states in the world today, only two dozen or so maintain federal systems of government, but these governments represent almost 40 percent of the world’s population. In an era of globalization and growing interconnectedness among nations, many non-centrally governments in federal systems have decided to engage in foreign relations. Flanders (Belgium), Catalonia (Spain), and Quebec (Canada) have the most active foreign relations programs in terms of money spent and personnel devoted to international activities. Quebec, for example, has created its own Ministry of International Relations with more than 550 personnel and an annual budget exceeding one hundred million dollars. In Canada, provincial governments are generally free to act internationally within their areas of competence outlined in the Canadian constitution, and the national government is expected to consult with the provinces before entering into any international treaty affecting these provincial areas of competence. In the case of Quebec, both the pro-Federalist Liberal Party and the pro-sovereignty Parti Québécois have consistently favored being engaged internationally.

In the United States, Article I, Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution, and the commerce and supremacy clauses in the same document, clearly indicate that the federal government is to play the primary role in foreign relations. However, almost forty state governments now operate about two hundred offices abroad, and most governors lead international missions every year. The federal government does not object to states’ involving themselves in a wide range of international activities, but it frowns on states’ making their own foreign policy. For example, Massachusetts mandated its own set of economic sanctions against Burma (Myanmar), and some states have attempted to impose sanctions on companies doing business with Sudan, Iran, and a few other countries. The federal courts have ruled that Massachusetts exceeded its authority in the Burma case and Illinois did the same in its sanctions against Sudan. The federal government wants to ensure that the nation will speak with one voice on major foreign policy issues and expects state governments to refrain from making their own foreign policy.

The North American Free Trade Agreement has helped intensify linkages between the provinces in Canada and the states in Mexico and the United States. A number of cross border organizations have been created to facilitate greater regional cooperation among non-centrally governments. Similar regional organizations have been created in Europe, and within the European Union itself, non-centrally governments in federal or quasi-federal systems such as those of Austria, Belgium, Germany, and Spain often dispatch representatives to Brussels as well as to other places around the globe. Some of the Swiss cantons are very active in the field of foreign relations, as are some of the Australian states. Increasing involvement in foreign affairs is also occurring among some of the constituent units in Argentina, Brazil, India, Malaysia, Nigeria, Russia, and South Africa.

Federal systems in general will face some significant challenges in the future as globalization intensifies and non-centrally governments increasingly engage in international activities as a way to protect and enhance the interests of their constituents. Some refer to this phenomenon as “glocalization,” meaning the growing linkages between the international and the local. Non-centrally governments in federal systems are guaranteed constitutionally some autonomy to act within their areas of competence, and they will desire to exercise this competence beyond the borders of their own nation-states in an increasingly complex and interdependent global setting. Even in the United States, where the Constitution clearly favors the national government’s dominating foreign relations, the Tenth Amendment reserves all powers not explicitly delegated to Washington, D.C., to the states and the people. Arguably, these reserved powers may provide the state governments with the flexibility to be actively engaged in an even broader range of overseas pursuits.

Activism in the realm of foreign relations is a mechanism for some non-centrally governments to enhance their own positions within their respective federal systems. Quebec’s special relations with France and within La Francophonie underscore its intention to protect its French language and distinctive Québécois culture within a Canadian nation that is overwhelmingly English speaking. In its foreign affairs, Flanders is able to accentuate its economic dominance and the special status of the Flemish language, and Catalonia is doing the same in emphasizing its distinctiveness within the Spanish Federalist structure. In these cases, activism in foreign relations is a symptom of ongoing regional tensions and uncertainties within certain nation-states.

Finally, intermestic denotes the blurring of the line between what constitutes domestic policy and foreign policy in an era of expanding globalization. This blurring is especially germane in federal systems, and federal nations will continue to struggle in ascertaining the appropriate and effective role of their non-centrally governments in foreign affairs.

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