Fidelism (Castroism) Essay

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Fidelism (also known as Castroism) is a political ideology derived from and inspired by Fidel Castro (1926–). As an ideology, Fidelism represents a particular case of cross-fertilization of revolutionary pan-Americanism in the tradition of Simón Bolivar and the European Communist movement. Although Fidelism today represents a tendency within the broader communist tradition, it is the only tendency to have developed from outside the communist movement. In that sense, Fidelism represents the a posteriori application of a Marxist-Leninist doctrine to the political praxis of a particular Latin American revolutionary movement. Fidelism can further be distinguished from other tendencies within the communist movement by its source of authority, its tactics, its unique geographical influence, and its revolutionary strategy.

The source of authority in Fidelism is Fidel Castro. The seeds of Fidelism were planted when Castro led his audacious yet unsuccessful attack against Cuban President Fulgencio Batista at the Moncado barracks on July 26, 1953. This act enabled Castro to emerge as an independent political figure with his own personal following. Castro’s “history will absolve me” speech, delivered during his trial in October 1953, became the centerpiece for the new Castroites and represented a program of radical social reform for Cuba with Fidel Castro at its helm. The program itself fit well within the confines of traditional left-wing Latin American politics in Cuba, which is situated well outside the communist movement. Castro and his movement drew inspiration from the likes of Máximo Gómez, Simón Bolivar, José Martí, and other Latin American revolutionaries. As such, Fidelism was uniquely Cuban from its inception. Following the July 26 attacks, the charismatic and audacious Fidel Castro was able to build a personal following in Cuba and elsewhere, which gave him an increasing maneuverability to define and redefine his movement and ideology.

Fidelism stresses tactics over ideology. Even before coming to power, Fidel Castro continually demonstrated a willingness to negotiate and employ selective ideologies as a means for securing power and consolidating his vision of a more equitable and just society in Cuba. In fact, Castro has never firmly cast his movement in any theoretical mold. Rather, he has shown a willingness to enter into broad alliances with any group that will enable him to build political capital and consolidate his vision. During his struggle in the Sierra Maestra in Cuba’s Southeast, he entered into broad alliances with Auténicos and the Communist party. Upon seizing power in 1959, he emphatically told the United States, “We are not communist. The doors are open to private investments that contribute to the development of industry in Cuba.” It was only after relations with the United States deteriorated that Castro turned toward Marxist-Leninism and the Soviet model to consolidate his power in Cuba and defend his nationalist project against U.S. aggression. Following the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991, Castro once again demonstrated this ideological flexibility by initiating limited, market-oriented reforms. In this sense, Fidelism is not so much an ism as it is a leader who is willing to borrow ideology to support his actions.

Fidelism can be distinguished from other communist tendencies in that it is uniquely Latin American. Argentine revolutionary Che Guevara pointed out that the Cuban revolution has provided Latin Americans with a uniquely indigenous alternative that speaks to them in Spanish, in their own language. Thus, the inspiration for and language of Fidelism is uniquely Latin American, a difference that exacerbates and nationalizes the differences between Fidelism and other communist tendencies.

Finally, Fidelism’s revolutionary strategy represents a stark departure from traditional communist formulations. In Marxist formulations of revolution, objective conditions created the basis for armed struggle. However, Fidelism exalts the ethos of guerrilla warfare over historical condition. Castro, Guevara, and the Castroites presented their victory as the exclusive outcome of an armed struggle waged by guerrillas in the Sierra Maestra. As Guevara writes, “We have demonstrated that a small group of men who are determined, supported by the people, and without fear of dying . . . can overcome a regular army. . . . We must make agrarian revolution, fight in the fields, in the mountains, and from here take the revolution to the cities, not try to make it in the latter.” In this formulation, armed struggle alone is sufficient. This unique guerilla aspect of Fidelism is accredited primarily to the contributions of Guevara.

Bibliography:

  1. Anderson, J.L. Che Guevara. A Revolutionary Life. New York: Grove Press Books, 1997.
  2. Delgado, F. “The Rhetoric of Fidel Castro: Ideographs in the Service of Revolutionaries.” Communication Abstracts 23, no. 1 (2000): 3–149.
  3. Draper,Theodore. Castroism:Theory and Practice. New York: Praeger, 1965.
  4. Llerena, Mario. The Unsuspected Revolution:The Birth and Rise of Castroism. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1978.
  5. Ratliff,William E. Castroism and Communism in Latin America, 1959–1976: The Varieties of Marxist-Leninist Experience. AEI-Hoover Policy Studies 19.Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1995.
  6. Vann, Bill. Castroism and the Politics of Petty-bourgeois Nationalism. SEP Lecture Series. Bankstown, Australia: Mehring Books, 1998.

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